Remarks by President Biden Before the 79th Session of the United Nations General Assembly | New York, NY
HOME
BRIEFING ROOM
SPEECHES AND REMARKS
United Nations Headquarters
New York, New York
10:12 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: My fellow leaders, today is the fourth time I’ve had the great honor of speaking to this assembly as president of the United States. It will be my last.
I’ve seen a remarkable sweep of history. I was first elected to office in the United States of America as a U.S. senator in 1972. Now, I know I look like I’m only 40. I know that. (Laughter.)
I was 29 years old. Back then, we were living through an inflection point, a moment of tension and uncertainty. The world was divided by the Cold War. The Middle East was headed toward war. America was at war in Vietnam, and at that point, the longest war in America’s history.
Our country was divided and angry, and there were questions about our staying power and our future. But even then, I entered public life not out of despair but out of optimism.
The United States and the world got through that moment. It wasn’t easy or simple or without significant setbacks. But we would go on to reduce the threat of nuclear weapons throughout the — through arms control and then go on to bring the Cold War itself to an end. Israel and Egypt went to war but then forged a historic peace. We ended the war in Vietnam.
The — last year, in Hanoi, I was — met with the Vietnamese leadership, and we elevated our partnership to the highest level. It’s a testament to the resilience of the human spirit and the capacity for reconciliation that today the United States and Vietnam are partners and friends, and it’s proof that even from the horrors of war there is a way forward. Things can get better.
We should never forget that. I have seen that throughout my career.
In the 1980s, I spoke out against apartheid in South Africa, and then I watched the racist regime fall.
In the 1990s, I worked to hold Milošević accountable for war crimes. He was held accountable.
At home, I wrote and passed the Violence Against Women Act to end the scourge of violence against women and girls not only in America but across the world, as many of you have as well. But we have so much more to do, especially against rape and sexual violence as weapons of war and terror.
We were attacked on 9/11 by Al-Qaeda and Osama bin Laden. We brought him justice.
Then I came to the presidency in another moment in a crisis and uncertainty. I believed America had to look forward. New challenges, new threats, new opportunities were in front of us. We needed to put ourselves in a position to see the threats, to deal with the challenges, and to seize the opportunities as well.
We needed to end the era of war that began on 9/11. As vice president to President Obama, he asked me to work to wind down the military operations in Iraq. And we did, painful as it was.
When I came to office as president, Afghanistan had replaced Vietnam as America’s longest war. I was determined to end it, and I did. It was a hard decision but the right decision.
Four American presidents had faced that decision, but I was determined not to leave it to the fifth. It was a decision accompanied by tragedy. Thirteen brave Americans lost their lives along with hundreds of Afghans in a suicide bomb. I think those lost lives — I think of them every day.
I think of all the 2,461 U.S. military deaths over a long 20 years of that war. 20,744 American servicemen wounded in action. I think of their service, their sacrifice, and their heroism.
I know other countries lost their own men and women fighting alongside us. We honor their sacrifices as well.
To face the future, I was also determined to rebuild my country’s alliances and partnerships to a level not previously seen. We did — we did just that, from traditional treaty alliances to new partnerships like the Quad with the United States, Japan, Australia, and India.
I know — I know many look at the world today and see difficulties and react with despair, but I do not. I won’t.
As leaders, we don’t have the luxury.
I recognize the challenges from Ukraine to Gaza to Sudan and beyond: war, hunger, terrorism, brutality, record displacement of people, a climate crisis, democracy at risk, strains within our societies, the promise of artificial intelligence and its significant risks. The list goes on.
But maybe because of all I’ve seen and all we have done together over the decades, I have hope. I know there is a wa- — a way forward.
In 1919, the Irish poet William Butler Yeats described a world, and I quote, where “Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold; Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world,” end of quote.
Some may say those words describe the world not just in 1919 but in 2024. But I see a cri- — a critical distinction.
In our time, the center has held. Leaders and people from every region and across the political spectrum have stood together. Turned the page — we turned the page on the worst pandemic in a century. We made sure COVID no longer controls our lives. We defended the U.N. Charter and ensured the survival of Ukraine as a free nation. My country made the largest investment in climate and clean energy ever, anywhere in history.
There will always be forces that pull our countries apart and the world apart: aggression, extremism, chaos, and cynicism, a desire to retreat from the world and go it alone.
Our task, our test is to make sure that the forces holding us together are stronger than those that are pulling us apart, that the principles of partnership that we came here each year to uphold can withstand the challenges, that the center holds once again.
My fellow leaders, I truly believe we are at another inflection point in world history where the choices we make today will determine our future for decades to come.
Will we stand behind the principles that unite us? We stand firm against aggression. We — will we end the conflicts that are raging today? Will we take on global challenges like climate change, hunger, and disease? Will we plan now for the opportunities and risk of a revolutionary new technologies?
I want to talk today about each of those decisions and the actions, in my view, we must take.
To start, each of us in this body has made a commitment to the principles of the U.N. Charter, to stand up against aggression. When Russia invaded Ukraine, we could have stood by and merely protested. But Vice President Harris and I understood that that was an assault on everything this institution is supposed to stand for.
And so, at my direction, America stepped into the breach, providing massive security and economic and humanitarian assistance. Our NATO Allies and partners in 50-plus nations stood up as well. But most importantly, the Ukrainian people stood up. And I ask the people of this chamber to stand up for them.
The good news is Putin’s war has failed in his — at his core aim. He set out to destroy Ukraine, but Ukraine is still free. He set out to weaken NATO, but NATO is bigger, stronger, and more united than ever before with two new members, Finland and Sweden. But we cannot let up.
The world now has another choice to make: Will we sustain our support to help Ukraine win this war and preserve its freedom or walk away and let aggression be renewed and a nation be destroyed?
I know my answer. We cannot grow weary. We cannot look away. And we will not let up on our support for Ukraine, not until Ukraine wins a just and durable peace [based] on the U.N. Charter. (Applause.)
We also need to uphold our principles as we seek to responsibly manage the competition with China so it does not veer into conflict. We stand ready to cooperate on urgent challenges for the good of our people and the people everywhere.
We recently resumed cooperation with China to stop the flow of deadly synthetic narcotics. I appreciate the collaboration. It matters for the people in my country and mether- — many others around the world.
On matters of conviction, the United States is unabashed, pushing back against unfair economic competition and against military coercion of other nations in — in the South China Sea, in maintaining peace and stability across the Taiwan Straits, in protecting our most advanced technologies so they cannot be used against us or any of our partners.
At the same time, we’re going to continue to strengthen our network of alliances and partnerships across the Indo-Pacific. These partnerships are not against any nation. They are building blocks for a free, open, secure, and peaceful Indo-Pacific.
We are also working to bring a greater measure of peace and stability to the Middle East. The world must not flinch from the horrors of October 7th. Any country — any country would have the right and responsibility to ensure that such an attack can never happen again.
Thousands of armed Hamas terrorists invaded a sovereign state, slaughtering and massacring more than 1,200 people, including 46 Americans, in their homes and at a music festival; despis- — despicable acts of sexual violence; 250 innocents taken hostage.
I’ve met with the families of those hostages. I’ve grieved with them. They’re going through hell.
Innocent civilians in Gaza are also going through hell. Thousands and thousands killed, including aid workers. Too many families dislocated, crowding into tents, facing a dire humanitarian situation. They didn’t ask for this war that Hamas started.
I put forward with Qatar and Egypt a ceasefire and hostage deal. It’s been endorsed by the U.N. Security Council. Now is the time for the parties to finalize its terms, bring the hostages home, en- — secure security for Israel, and Gaza free of Ha- — of Hamas’ grip, ease the suffering in Gaza, and end this war.
On October 7th — (applause) — since October 7, we have also been determined to prevent a wider war that engulfs the entire region. Hezbollah, unprovoked, joined the October 7th attack launching rockets into Israel. Almost a year later, too many on each side of the Israeli-Lebanon border remain displaced.
Full-scale war is not in anyone’s interest. Even as the situation has escalated, a diplomatic solution is still possible. In fact, it remains the only path to lasting security to allow the residents from both countries to return to their homes on the border safely. And that’s what working — that’s what we’re working tirelessly to achieve.
As we look ahead, we must also address the rise of violence against innocent Palestinians on the West Bank and set the conditions for a better future, including a two-state solution, where the world — where Israel enjoys security and peace and full recognition and normalized relations with all its neighbors, where Palestinians live in security, dignity, and self-determination in a state of their own. (Applause.)
Progress toward peace will put us in a stronger position to deal with the ongoing threat posed by Iran. Together, we must deny oxygen to terrorists — to its terrorist proxies, which have called for more October 7ths, and ensure that Iran will never, ever obtain a nuclear weapon.
Gaza is not the only conflict that deserves our outrage. In Sudan, a bloody civil war unleashed one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises: eight million — eight million on the brink of famine, hundreds of thousands already there, atrocities in Darfur and elsewhere.
The United States has led the world in providing humanitarian aid to Sudan. And with our partners, we have led diplomatic talks to try to silence the guns and avort — and avert a wider famine. The world needs to stop arming the generals, to speak with one voice and tell them: Stop tearing your country apart. Stop blocking aid to the Sudanese people. End this war now. (Applause.)
But people need more than the absence of war. They need the chance — the chance to live in dignity. They need to be protected from the ravages of climate change, hunger, and disease.
Our administration has arri- — has invested over $150 billion to make progress and other Sustainable Development Goals. It includes $20 billion for food security and over $50 billion for global health. We’ve mobilized billions more in private-sector investment.
We’ve taken the most ambitious climate actions in history. We’ve moved to rejoin the Paris Agreement on day one. And today, my country is finally on track to cut emissions in half by 2030, on track to honor my pledge to quadruple climate financing to developing nations with $11 billion thus far this year.
We’ve rejoined the World Health Organization and donated nearly 700 million doses of COVID vaccine to 117 countries. We must now move quickly to face mpox outbreak in Africa. We are prepared to commit $500 million to help African countries prevent and respond to mpox and to donate 1 million doses of mpox vaccine now. (Applause.) We call on our partners to match our pledge and make this a billion-dollar commitment to the people of Africa.
Beyond the core necessities of food and health, the United States, the G7, and our partners have embarked on an ambitious initiative to mobilize and deliver significant financing to the developing world. We are working to help countries build out their infrastructure, to clean energy transition, to their digital transformation to lay new economic foundations for a prosperous future.
It’s called the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment. We’ve already starting to see the fruits of this emerge in Southern Africa and in Southeast A- — Asia and in the Americas. We have to keep it going.
I want to get things done together. In order to do that, we must build a stronger, more effective, and more inclusive United Nations. The U.N. needs to adapt to bring in new voices and new perspectives. That’s why we support reforming and expanding the membership of the U.N. Security Council. (Applause.)
My U.N. ambassador just laid out our detailed vision to reflect today’s world, not yesterday’s. It’s time to move forward.
And the Security Council, like the U.N. itself, needs to get back to the job of making peace; of brokering deals to end wars and suffering; th- — (applause) — and to stop the spread of the most dangerous weapons; of stabilizing troubled regions in East Africa — from East Africa to Haiti, to Kenya-led mission that’s working alongside the Haitian people to turn the tide.
We also have a responsibility to prepare our citizens for the future. We’ll see more technological change, I argue, in the next 2 to 10 years than we have in the last 50 years.
Artificial intelligence is going to change our ways of life, our ways of work, and our ways of war. It could usher in scientific progress at a pace never seen before. And much of it could make our lives better.
But AI also brings profound risks, from deepfakes to disinformation to novel pathogens to bioweapons.
We have worked at home and abroad to define the new norms and standards. This year, we achieved the first-ever General Assembly resolution on AI to start developing global rules — global rules of the road. We also announced a Declaration of — on the Responsible — Responsible Use of AI, joined by 60 countries in this chamber.
But let’s be honest. This is just the tip of the iceberg of what we need to do to manage this new technology.
Nothing is certain about how AI will evolve or how it will be deployed. No one knows all the answers.
But my fellow leaders, it’s with humility I offer two questions.
First: How do we as an international community govern AI? As countries and companies race to uncertain frontiers, we need an equally urgent effort to ensure AI’s safety, security, and trustworthiness. As AI grows more powerful, it must grow also — it also must grow more responsive to our collective needs and values. The benefits of all must be shared equitably. It should be harnessed to narrow, not deepen, digital divides.
Second: Will we ensure that AI supports, rather than undermines, the core principles that human life has value and all humans deserve dignity? We must make certain that the awesome capabilities of AI will be used to uplift and empower everyday people, not to give dictators more powerful shackles on human — on the human spirit.
In the years ahead, there wa- — they may be — may well be no greater test of our leadership than how we deal with AI.
Let me close with this. Even as we navigate so much change, one thing must not change: We must never forget who we’re here to represent.
“We the People.” These are the first words of our Constitution, the very idea of America. And they inspired the opening words of the U.N. Charter.
I’ve made the preservation of democracy the central cause of my presidency.
This summer, I faced a decision whether to seek a second term as president. It was a difficult decision. Being president has been the honor of my life. There is so much more I want to get done. But as much as I love the job, I love my country more. I decided, after 50 years of public service, it’s time for a new generation of leadership to take my nation forward.
My fellow leaders, let us never forget, some things are more important than staying in power. It’s your people — (applause) — it’s your people that matter the most.
Never forget, we are here to serve the people, not the other way around. Because the future will be — the future will be won by those who unleash the full potential of their people to breathe free, to think freely, to innovate, to educate, to live and love openly without fear.
That’s the soul of democracy. It does not belong to any one country.
I’ve seen it all around the world in the brave men and women who ended apartheid, brought down the Berlin Wall, fight today for freedom and justice and dignity.
We saw it — that universal yearning for rights and freedom — in Venezuela, where millions cast their vote for change. It hasn’t been recognized, but it can’t be denied. The world knows the truth.
We saw it in Uganda LBGT [LGBT] activists demanding safety and recognition of their common humanity.
We see it in citizens across the world peacefully choosing their future — from Ghana to India to South Korea, nations representing one quarter of humanity who will hold elections this year alone.
It’s remarkable, the power of “We the People,” that makes me more optimistic about the future than I’ve ever been since I was first elected to the United States Senate in 1972.
Every age faces its challenges. I saw it as a young man. I see it today.
But we are stronger than we think. We’re stronger together than alone. And what the people call “impossible” is just an illusion.
Nelson Mandela taught us, and I quote, “It always seems impossible until it’s done.” “It always seems impossible until it’s done.”
My fellow leaders, there is nothing that’s beyond our capacity if we work together. Let’s work together.
God bless you all. And may God protect all those who seek peace.
Thank you. (Applause.)
10:36 A.M. EDT
拜登总统在第79届联合国大会上的讲话
4 快速阅读
九月 25, 2024
纽约州纽约市
联合国总部
2024年9月24日
美东夏令时上午10:12
**总统：**各位领导人，今天是我第四次非常荣幸地以美国总统身份在联合国大会上发言。这将是我的最后一次。
我见证了一段非凡的历史。1972年，我首次当选为美国参议员。现在，我知道我看起来只有40岁。我知道这一点。（笑声）
那年我29岁。那时，我们正经历一个转折点，一个充满紧张和不确定性的时刻。世界因冷战而分裂。中东正在走向战争。美国正在越南打仗，当时那是美国历史上持续时间最长的战争。
我们的国家处于分裂状态，人们感到愤怒，我们的持久力和未来也受到质疑。但即便如此，我竞选公职并不是出于绝望，而是出于乐观。
美国和世界度过了那一刻。这不容易，也不简单，并非没有重大挫折。但是，我们仍然通过军备控制减少核武器的威胁，后来又结束了冷战。以色列和埃及之间爆发了战争，但随后缔结了历史性和平。我们结束了越南战争。
去年，我在河内会见了越南领导人，我们将我们的伙伴关系提升到了最高水平。这证明了人类精神的韧性以及和解能力。今天，美国和越南是伙伴和朋友，这证明即使我们身处战争的恐怖之中，仍能找到前进的道路。事情会变得更好。
我们永远不应该忘记这一点。我在我的整个职业生涯中都看到了这一点。
20世纪80年代，我公开反对南非的种族隔离制度，然后我目睹了种族主义政权的垮台。
20世纪90年代，我努力追究犯下战争罪的米洛舍维奇（Milošević）的责任。他的罪责受到了追究。
在国内，我起草并推动通过了《反暴力侵害妇女法》（Violence Against Women Act），旨在结束针对妇女和女童的暴力祸患，不仅在美国，而且在全世界。你们中的许多人也为此做出了努力。但我们还有很多事情要做，特别是要打击把摧残妇女和女童的强奸和性暴力作为战争和恐怖武器的恶行。
在“9.11”事件中，我们遭到基地组织和奥萨马·本·拉登（Osama bin Laden）的袭击。我们将他绳之以法。
后来，我在另一个充满危机和不确定性的时刻就任总统。我相信美国必须向前看。新的挑战、新的威胁、新的机遇都在我们面前。我们需要让自己处于适当地位，以便看到威胁、应对挑战、抓住机遇。
我们需要结束始于“9.11”的战争。我在奥巴马总统任期内担任副总统时，他要求我努力结束在伊拉克的军事行动。我们做到了，尽管这是一个痛苦的过程。
当我就任总统时，阿富汗已取代越南成为美国历史上持续时间最长的战争。我决心结束它，我做到了。这是一个艰难的决定，但却是正确的决定。
四位美国总统曾面临这个决定，但我决心不把它留给第五任总统。这是一个伴随着悲剧的决定。十三名勇敢的美国人和数百名阿富汗人在自杀式炸弹袭击中丧生。我怀念那些失去的生命——我每天都会想起他们。
我想到在那场长达20年的漫长战争期间，共有2461名美国军人阵亡，20744名美国军人在作战中受伤。我想到他们的奉献、他们的牺牲和他们的英雄气概。
我知道其他国家也失去了与我们并肩作战的军人。我们同样缅怀这些牺牲的军人。
面对未来，我决心重建我国的联盟和伙伴关系并使之达到前所未有的水平。我们做到了——我们如愿以偿，从传统的条约联盟到新的伙伴关系，例如美国、日本、澳大利亚和印度之间的四方伙伴关系（Quad）。
我知道——我知道很多人在审视当今世界时看到重重困难并感到绝望，但我不是这样。我不会这样。
作为领导者，我们没有这样的奢侈。
我承认，从乌克兰到加沙到苏丹及其他地区都存在挑战：战争、饥饿、恐怖主义、暴行、创纪录的人口流离失所、气候危机、民主受到威胁、我们社会内部的压力、人工智能的潜力及其重大风险等等、等等。
但也许是因为几十年来我所看到的一切以及我们共同所做的一切，我充满了希望。我知道有一条路——一条前进的道路。
1919年，爱尔兰诗人威廉·巴特勒·叶芝（William Butler Yeats）描述了一个世界，我在此引用他的诗句：“万物分崩离析；中心难以为继；任凭混乱无序在世界里恣意妄行”——引文结束。（译注：此处借用靳乾译文）
有些人可能认为，这些话不仅描述了1919年的世界，也同样描述了2024年的世界。但我看到了一个关键性的区别。
在我们这个时代，这个中心依然挺立。来自各个地区和不同政治派别的领导人和人民站在一起。我们翻过了那一页——我们战胜了一个世纪以来最严重的流行病；我们确保了新冠病毒不再主宰我们的生活；我们捍卫了《联合国宪章》并确保乌克兰作为一个自由国家的存在；我的国家在气候和清洁能源方面做出了历史上规模最大的投资。
总会有一些力量试图导致我们的国家和世界的分裂：侵略、极端主义、混乱、犬儒主义、闭关自守、单打独斗。
我们的任务——我们的考验——是确保让我们团结在一起的力量比分裂我们的力量更强大，确保我们每年来到这里捍卫的伙伴关系原则能够经受住挑战，“中心”能够继续挺立。
各位领导人，我坚信我们正处于世界历史上的另一个转折点：我们今天做出的选择将决定我们在今后几十年的未来。
我们会坚持使我们团结的原则吗？我们会坚决反对侵略吗？我们会结束今天激烈的冲突吗？我们会应对气候变化、饥饿和疾病等全球挑战吗？我们会未雨绸缪、成功应对极具变革性的新技术带来的机遇和风险吗？
今天我想谈谈我认为我们必须采取的每一项决定和行动。
首先，我们这个组织中的每个成员都承诺遵守《联合国宪章》的原则，坚决反对侵略。当俄罗斯入侵乌克兰时，我们本可以袖手旁观，只是提出抗议。但哈里斯副总统和我都明白，那种做法将是对这个组织所理应代表的一切的鞭笞。
因此，在我的指示下，美国挺身而出，提供了大量的安全、经济和人道主义援助。我们的北约盟国和我们的合作伙伴——共计50 多个国家——也纷纷挺身而出。但最重要的是，乌克兰人民英勇不屈。我吁请参加这个大会的全体人员都挺身而出，支持他们。
好消息是：就这场战争的核心目标而言，普京失败了。他试图摧毁乌克兰，但乌克兰仍然是自由的。他试图削弱北约，但随着芬兰和瑞典这两个新成员加盟，北约比以往任何时候都更大、更强、更团结。但是，我们不能有任何松懈。
世界现在面临另一个选择：我们是继续支持乌克兰、帮助她赢得这场战争并捍卫其自由，还是弃之而去、让侵略者得到喘息的机会并摧毁一个国家？
我知道我的回答。我们不能倦怠。我们不能视而不见。我们不会放松对乌克兰的支持，直到乌克兰根据《联合国宪章》赢得公正和持久的和平。（掌声）
在寻求负责任地管理与中国的竞争时，我们也需要坚持我们的原则，以免竞争演变成冲突。为了我国人民和世界各地人民的利益，我们随时准备就紧迫挑战进行合作。
在遏止致命的合成麻醉品的流动方面，我们最近恢复了与中国的合作。我感谢这种合作。这对我国和世界各地许多其他国家的人民很重要。
在事关信念的问题上，美国不会含糊其辞，我们坚决反对不公平的经济竞争，反对在南中国海对其他国家的军事胁迫；我们坚决维护台湾海峡的和平与稳定，保护我们最先进的技术不被用于损害我们的国家或我们的任何合作伙伴。
与此同时，我们将继续加强我们在整个印太地区的联盟和伙伴关系网络。这些伙伴关系并不针对任何国家；它们是建设一个自由、开放、安全、和平的印太地区的基石。
我们还在努力为中东地区带来更大程度的和平与稳定。面对去年10月7日恐怖袭击事件，世界绝不能退缩。任何国家——任何国家都有权利和责任确保这样的袭击永远不再发生。
数千名哈马斯武装恐怖分子入侵一个主权国家，屠杀了1200多人，其中包括46名美国人，他们是在自己的家中和音乐节上被屠杀的；武装恐怖分子实施了卑鄙的性暴力行为；250名无辜者被劫持为人质。
我见过这些人质的家属。我与他们同悲。他们正在经历地狱般的煎熬。
加沙的无辜平民也在经历地狱般的痛苦。成千上万的人丧生，其中包括人道援助人员。太多的家庭流离失所，挤在帐篷里，面临着严峻的人道主义困境。他们并没有要哈马斯发动这场战争。
我与卡塔尔和埃及提出了停火和释放人质协议。该协议已得到联合国安理会的批准。现在是时候由各方最后确定条款、让人质回家、确保以色列的安全、让加沙摆脱哈马斯的控制、减轻加沙人民的苦难并结束这场战争了。
10月7日——（掌声）——自去年10月7日以来，我们还决心防止一场席卷整个地区的更广泛的战争。真主党无端参与了10月7日的袭击，向以色列发射了火箭弹。近一年后，以色列和黎巴嫩边境两侧仍有太多人流离失所。
全面战争不符合任何人的利益。即使局势已升级，外交解决方案仍然是可能的。事实上，让两国居民安全返回边境家园仍然是实现持久安全的唯一途径。这是行之有效的——这正是我们不懈努力的目标。
展望未来，我们还必须解决约旦河西岸针对无辜巴勒斯坦人的暴力行为增加的问题，并为更美好的未来创造条件，包括两国解决方案，在这个解决方案中，世界——以色列在其中享有安全与和平，得到充分承认，并与其所有邻国实现正常关系，巴勒斯坦人在自己的国家中过着安全、有尊严并能自决自立的生活。（掌声）
实现和平的进展将使我们更有能力应对伊朗构成的持续威胁。 我们必须齐心协力，不让恐怖主义分子——那些煽动再次上演10月7日恐怖袭击的恐怖主义代理人——获得生存空间，并确保伊朗永远、永远不会拥有核武器。
加沙并不是唯一令人发指的冲突。在苏丹，一场血腥的内战引发了世界上最严重的人道主义危机之一：800万人——800万人濒临饥荒，数十万人已经身陷饥荒，达尔富尔（Darfur）和其他地方发生了暴行。
美国在向苏丹提供人道主义援助方面处于世界领先地位。我们与合作伙伴一起，引领外交谈判，试图平息枪声，避免更广泛的饥荒。世界需要停止向军头们提供武装，用一个声音告诉他们：停止撕裂你们的国家。 停止阻挠对苏丹人民的援助。现在就结束这场战争。(掌声)
但人们需要的不仅仅是没有战争。他们需要机会——有尊严地生活的机会。他们需要免受气候变化、饥饿和疾病的肆虐。
我们的政府已经投入了1500多亿美元，以在可持续发展目标方面取得进展。其中200亿美元用于粮食安全，500多亿美元用于全球卫生健康。我们还动员了数十亿美元的私营部门投资。
我们采取了历史上最雄心勃勃的气候行动。我们在就职伊始就重新加入了《巴黎协定》。今天，我国终于有望到2030年将排放量减少一半，有望兑现我的承诺，即将向发展中国家提供的气候资金增至四倍，今年迄今为止已达到110亿美元。
我们已重新加入世界卫生组织，并向117个国家捐赠了近7亿剂新冠病毒疫苗。我们现在必须迅速行动起来，应对非洲爆发的猴痘（mpox）疫情。我们准备投入5亿美元，帮助非洲国家预防和应对猴痘，并立即捐赠100万剂猴痘疫苗。（掌声）我们呼吁合作伙伴匹配我们承诺的金额，为非洲人民将金额提高到10亿美元。
除了粮食和健康等核心必需品外，美国、七国集团和我们的合作伙伴已开始实施一项雄心勃勃的倡议，为发展中世界调动并提供大量资金。我们正努力帮助各国建设基础设施、实现清洁能源转型和数字化转型，从而为繁荣的未来奠定新的经济基础。
这就是“全球基础设施和投资伙伴关系”（Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment）。我们已经开始看到这一伙伴关系在南部非洲、东南亚和美洲取得成果。我们必须继续进行下去。
我希望我们共同把事情办好。为此，我们必须建设一个更强大、更有效、更具包容性的联合国。联合国需要进行调整，引入新的声音和新的观点。这就是我们支持改革和扩大联合国安理会成员的原因。(掌声）
美国联合国大使刚刚阐述了我们的详细愿景，以反映当今世界，而不是昨天的世界。现在是向前迈进的时候了。
安全理事会和联合国本身一样，需要回到缔造和平的工作中来；为结束战争和苦难进行斡旋；（掌声）——制止最危险武器的扩散；稳定东非动荡地区——从东非到海地，肯尼亚领导的特派团正与海地人民并肩作战，扭转局势。
我们还有责任让我们的公民为未来做好准备。我认为，在未来两到十年，我们将看到比过去50年还要多的技术变革。
人工智能将改变我们的生活方式、工作方式和战争方式。它将以前所未有的速度推动科学进步。其中许多功能将使我们的生活更加美好。
但人工智能也带来了巨大的风险，从深度伪造到虚假信息，从新型病原体到生物武器。
我们一直在国内外努力制定新的规范和标准。今年，我们首次通过了联合国大会关于人工智能的决议，开始制定全球规则——全球道路规则。我们还宣布了《关于负责任地使用人工智能的宣言》（Declaration of Responsible Use of AI），60个国家在本会议厅加入了该宣言。
但说实话，这只是管理这项新技术所需要做的冰山一角。
人工智能将如何发展或如何部署尚无定论。没有人知道所有答案。
但各位领导人，我谦诚地提出两个问题。
第一：作为国际社会，我们应该如何管理人工智能？在各国和各公司竞相进入不确定的前沿领域时，我们需要同样紧迫地努力来确保人工智能的安全、保障和可信度。随着人工智能变得越来越强大，它也必须不断发展——必须变得更能符合我们的集体需求和价值观。所有人的利益必须公平分享。应该利用人工智能来缩小而不是加深数字鸿沟。
第二：我们能否确保人工智能支持而不是破坏人类生命具有价值以及所有人都应享有尊严的核心原则？我们必须确保，人工智能的强大能力将被用于提升并增强普通人的能力，而不是让独裁者拥有更牢固的束缚人类——人类精神的镣铐。
在未来几年里，对我们领导力的最大考验莫过于我们如何应对人工智能。
最后，我想说的是，即使我们经历了如此多的变化，但有一点绝不能改变：我们绝不能忘记我们在这里代表的是谁。
“我们人民”。这是我国宪法中的第一句话，也是美国的根本理念，同时也是《联合国宪章》开篇语的灵感来源。
我把维护民主作为我担任总统的核心事业。
今年夏天，我面临是否寻求连任总统的决定。这是一个艰难的决定。担任总统是我一生的荣幸。我想做的事情还有很多。但尽管我热爱这份工作，我更热爱我的国家。我决定，在为公众服务50年之后，是时候让新一代领导人带领我国前进了。
各位领导人，让我们永远不要忘记，有些事情比继续掌权更重要。你们的人民——（掌声）——你们的人民才是最重要的。
永远不要忘记，我们是来为人民服务的，而不是相反。因为未来将是——未来将由那些充分发挥人民的潜能并让他们自由呼吸、自由思考、自由创新、自由教育、自由生活和自由恋爱的人所赢得。
这就是民主之魂。它不属于任何一个国家。
我在全球各地都见证了这些勇敢的人们，他们终结了种族隔离，推倒了柏林墙，如今仍为自由、正义和尊严而战。
我们见证了这种对权利和自由的普遍渴望——在委内瑞拉，数百万民众投票支持变革。这种渴望虽然尚未得到承认，但却不容否认，世界知道真相。
我们在乌干达从要求安全以及承认其共同人性的LGBT活动人士的身上见证了这一渴望。
我们在世界各地和平选择未来的公民身上见证了这一渴望——从加纳到印度再到韩国，仅在今年，这些代表人类四分之一的国家都将举行选举。
“我们人民”这一非凡的力量让我对未来比1972年首次当选美国参议员时更加乐观。
每个时代都面临挑战。我年轻时就看到了这一点，如今仍然如此。
但我们要比自己想象的更为强大。我们团结起来比单枪匹马更有力量。人们口中的“不可能”只是一种幻觉。
纳尔逊·曼德拉（Nelson Mandela）曾教导我们，让我引用他的话：“事情总是在完成之前看起来不可能”；“事情总是在完成之前看起来不可能” 。
各位领导人，只要我们团结合作，就没有什么是不可能实现的。让我们共同努力。
愿上帝保佑你们所有人。愿上帝保护所有追求和平的人。
谢谢大家。（掌声）
美东夏令时上午10:36
Last edited by @suen 2024-09-27T01:10:25Z